Tuesday, September 28, 2010


GEETHA said...


Monday, September 27, 2010


Congratulations to Kuzhithurai branch comrades of Tirunelveli division for their immediate reaction to the news item published in the MIRROR group magazines denigrating the hardwon benefit of the LIC employees. Mirror's projection is deliberate to put one section of the working class against another. It is strength of AIIEA that it has thousands of cadres to defend its ideals and line of thinking.

Sunday, September 26, 2010

Courtesy- THE HINDU - 26 09 2010-Posted by Com Ganapathikrisnan

Speculation, eco-disasters to blame for food crisis: FAO

John Vidal

Doubling of food prices led to riots in more than 30 countries

The world may be on the brink of a major food crisis caused by environmental disasters and rampant market speculation, the U.N. has been warned at an emergency meeting on food price inflation.

The U.N.'s Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) meeting in Rome was called last month after a heatwave and wildfires in Russia led to Moscow banning wheat exports and food riots broke out in Mozambique, killing 13 people. But U.N. experts heard that pension funds and hedge funds, sovereign wealth funds and large banks who speculate on commodity markets may also be responsible for global inflation in food prices.

In a paper released this week, Olivier De Schutter, the U.N.'s Special Rapporteur on food, said the increases in price and the volatility of food commodities could only be explained by the emergence of a “speculative bubble” which he traces back to the early years of the new century.

“[Beginning in] 2001, food commodities derivatives markets, and commodities indexes began to see an influx of non-traditional investors,” writes Mr. De Schutter writes. “The reason for this was because other markets dried up one by one: the dotcoms vanished at the end of 2001, the stock market soon after, and the U.S. housing market in August 2007. As each bubble burst, these large institutional investors moved into other markets, each traditionally considered more stable than the last. Strong similarities can be seen between the price behaviour of food commodities and other refuge values, such as gold.” A near doubling of many staple food prices in 2007 and 2008 led to riots in more than 30 countries and an estimated 150 million more people going hungry.

“Once again we find ourselves in a situation where basic food commodities are undergoing supply shocks. World wheat futures and spot prices climbed steadily until the beginning of August 2010, when Russia — faced with massive wildfires that destroyed its wheat harvest — imposed an export ban on that commodity. In addition, other markets such as sugar and oilseeds are witnessing significant price increases,” said Mr. De Schutter.

In London on Friday, Mr. De Schutter said the only long term way to resolve the crisis would be to shift to ways of growing food that do not depend on pesticides or heavy machinery. — © Guardian Newspapers Limited, 2010

Saturday, September 25, 2010


Sat, Sep 25, 2010 at 9:39pm

i m watching your blog.very useful fr us.


Friday, September 24, 2010


Journey to nowhere


in Tirupur and Usilampatti

It is an “out of the frying pan, into the fire” experience for many who flock to Tirupur from across Tamil Nadu.


The row houses in Tirupur where the migrant workers of the garment industry stay.

K. SUBRAMANIA PILLAI was at the end of his tether. “Around 32 years have rolled by since I came to Tirupur. But I can't see any progress in my life…. The unpaid debt has accumulated to Rs.21,660 as on July 5, 2010…. I have been under severe stress for the past four months as I find no way to clear the debt. I do not want to live any more either, as I am unable to bear the humiliation. All my efforts to find a way out have failed…. I am just commencing my journey without a destination in mind. I have no problem with my children. My humble request is to find a good bridegroom for my youngest daughter,” wrote the 75-year-old man in a note he posted to his son, S. Kaliappan, who lived at S. Periyapalayam on the outskirts of Tirupur. His body was found two kilometres away from S. Periyapalayam a couple of days later.



( sep 25 to oct 8- 2010)

Tuesday, September 21, 2010

யுவர் மனி... தெயர் பேலஸ்...

இரண்டு நாட்களுக்கு முன்பு மும்பை மிரர் பத்திரிகையில் யுவர் மனி... தெயர் லஞ்ச் என்ற செய்தி கட்டுரை ஒன்று வெளி வந்துள்ளது. எல் ஐ சி நிர்வாகம் தனது ஊழியர்களுக்கு லஞ்ச் கூப்பன் வழங்கி உள்ளது பற்றிய விமர்சனமே அது.

தொழிலாளர்கள் போராடுவதும் ஒரு பயனை பெறுவதும் உலகம் முழுவதும் நடந்தேறுகிற ஒன்றுதான். இப்படி ஒரு பகுதி தொழிலாளர்கள் புதிய பயனை பெறும்போது அதற்கு எதிரான உணர்வை பிற பகுதி தொழிலாளர்களிடம் உருவாக்குகிற திட்டமிட்ட வேலையும் உலகம் முழுவதும் அரங்கேறுவதுதான். உனக்கும் கீழே உள்ளவர் கோடி,, நினைத்துப் பார்த்து நிம்மதி நாடு... என்று அறிவுறுத்துவதும், கொஞ்சம் முன்னேறிய நிலையில் உள்ள தொழிலாளர்கள் அனுபவிப்பதுதான் கீழே உள்ளவர்களின் வாய்ப்புகளை தட்டிப் பறிப்பதாக சித்தரிப்பதும் ஓர் உள்நோக்கம் கொண்ட அரசியல் ஆகும்.

2008 முதல் 2010 வரையிலான காலம், உலகம் முழுவதிலும் மிகப்பெரிய பொருளாதார நெருக்கடியை சந்தித்துள்ளது. ஆனால் இந்திய நாட்டின் பில்லியனர்களின் எண்ணிக்கை மட்டும் 52 ஐ தொட்டுள்ளது. உலக பில்லியனர்களின் எண்ணிக்கையும் 2008 லிருந்து 2009 ல் 793 லிருந்து 1011 ஆக உயர்ந்துள்ளது. ஹைட்டி நாட்டில் உணவில்லாமல் மண் உருண்டைகளை குழந்தைகளுக்கு தாய்மார்கள் ஊட்டி விடுவதாக செய்திகள் வருகின்றன.பசியால் அழும் பச்சிளம் குழந்தைகளின் நாக்கில் போதையூட்டும் பச்சிலையை தடவி தூங்க பண்ணுகிற சோகங்களும் உண்டு. இப்படி பளபளக்கிற உலகத்தையும், பரிதவிக்கிற உலகத்தையும் ஒரு சேர உருவாக்குகிற உலகமய பொருளாதார பாதை பற்றியெல்லாம் மும்பை மிர்ரருக்கு கவலை இல்லை. கன்னித் தீவு மந்திரவாதி மூசாவின் அதிசயக் கண்ணாடியில் ஏழைகளின் துயரம் தெரியாதோ என்னவோ! எனவே யுவர் ஹங்கர்... தெயர் பில்லியன்ஸ்... என்று எழுதுகிற ஊடக தர்மம் அதற்கு இல்லை.

முகேஷ் அம்பானி மும்பையில் கட்டுகிற 27 மாடி அரண்மனை பல கோடி ரூபாய்களை மன்னிக்கவும் டாலர்களை விழுங்கி எழும்புவதில் நமக்கு ஒன்றும் பொறாமை இல்லை. ஆனால் மகாராஷ்டிரா மாநிலத்தில் வழங்கப்பட்டுள்ள விவசாயக் கடனில் 50% க்கு மேல் மும்பை மாநகருக்குள் பட்டுவாடா ஆகியிருப்பதும் விநோதமானது. அப்பயனை அனுபவித்துள்ள இரண்டு பெரிய தொழிலகங்களில் ஒன்று, 27 மாடியிலே எங்கு தூங்குவது என்று தெரியாமல் தவிக்கிற அம்பானியுடையதுதான். இரண்டு லட்சம் விவசாயிகள் பத்து ஆண்டுகளில் தற்கொலை செய்துகொண்டிருப்பது பற்றி மும்பை மிர்ரருக்கு என்ன கவலை? இது சாதாரண விவசாயி முகம் பார்த்து தலை சீவும் கண்ணாடி இல்லையே! எனவே யுவர் லைப் ... தெயர் பேலஸ்... என்று எழுதுகிற தார்மீகம் அதற்கு இல்லை.

சுப்ரீம் கோர்ட் சொன்னாலும் பெருச்சாளிக்கு இரையாகிற அரசு கிட்டங்கிகளிலுள்ள தானியங்களை ஏழை எளியோருக்கு இலவசமாக தர பிரதமருக்கு மனசு இல்லை. 80000 கோடி செலவில் எல்லோருக்குமான ரேசன் திட்டத்தை அமலாக்கலாம் என்றாலும் அதற்கும் மன்மோகன் மனம் இரங்கவில்லை. ஆனால் நிறுவன வரிகளில் சலுகையாக ஒரு ஆண்டில் சில நூறு குடும்பங்கள் அனுபவிப்பது மட்டுமே 84000 கோடிகள் ஆகும். யார் கேட்பது? மனக் கீறல் விழுந்த மும்பை கண்ணாடியில் நடுத்தர வர்க்கத்திற்கு கிடைக்கிற சில நூறுகள் எந்த வகையிலும் யாருடைய வயிற்றிலும் அடிப்பதில்லை என்பது தெரியாது போலும். அது போல மத்திய பட்ஜெட் டாட்டாகளுக்கும் அம்பானிகளுக்கும் வாஞ்சையோடு வழங்குகிற பல்லாயிரம் கோடிகளும் அதில் அடிக்கிற பாசப் பேரொளியால் நம் கண்களுக்கு தெரிவதில்லை. எனவே யுவர் காஸ்ட் ... தெயர் இன்சென்டிவ்... என்று எழுத அவர்களின் கை மறுக்கிறது.

இன்றைக்கு போராடுகிற பகுதியை பார்த்து இன்னொரு பகுதி போராட கற்றுகொள்ளக்கூடாது என்ற அரசியலின் பிரதிபலிப்பே மும்பை மிர்ரர்.

அது பளபளக்கிற இந்தியா அழகு பார்க்கிற கண்ணாடி.

Friday, September 17, 2010


Hunger manifests itself in so many forms, be it farmers' suicide, decline in per capita availability of food grains, children surviving without a drop of milk, 70-year-olds pleading for a job in scorching heat in the hinterlands, but the Centre has no money for universal public distribution system, said P. Sainath, Rural Affairs Editor, The Hindu.

In his talk on ‘Slumdogs Vs millionaires: Farm crisis and food crisis in the age of inequality' organised by Indian School of Social Sciences in the city on Friday, Mr. Sainath said: “This meeting is for three hours. In three hours, 51 Indian children die of malnourishment and 6 farmers commit suicide and the Centre writes off Rs.171 crore in tax to corporates.”

To implement universal PDS on the lines of Kerala and Tamil Nadu, the Centre needs Rs.90,000 crore. This year, the corporate income tax exemption was Rs.80,000 crore. The exemption from tax to corporates has grown every year from 1991. This is apart from the subsidy by way of SEZs, loans, credits, power and water. The Centre, however, has no money for universal PDS, he said. The Prime Minister who was passionate about the (Indo-U.S.) nuclear deal and who threatened to resign in Parliament for the deal has no passion or even the inclination to perform as a Prime Minister to feed the hungry.

On rising inequality, Mr. Sainath said the city of Mumbai's latest tourist attraction was a monument built for one family at a cost of $2 billion of a man tipped to be the richest man in the world in another five years. Half of the same city's population lived in slums and 76 per cent who lived in formal houses lived in one-room tenements, he said.

Three official committees have clearly revealed that rural poverty was much higher and that 836 million in the country earned less than Rs.20 per day. As much as 86 per cent of all Dalits and Adivasis and 85 per cent of all Muslims were in the grip of poverty. The farmers who produce food have no food security. While the monthly per capita expenditure of a farm household was Rs.503, the family spends 60 per cent of it on food. The farmers have no control over seeds, pesticides, fertilizers, power, water or the prices. “This is hunger,” he said.

The suicide of the farmers was only the consequence of a crisis, the outcome, not the origin. The corporate highjack of farming and the wrong agricultural policies of the Centre and State governments are the reasons, Mr. Sainath said, urging the Indian intelligentsia to reconnect with the masses to safeguard democracy.

திருமிகு சாய்நாத்-30 ஆண்டு ஊடகப் பணி

இன்று சென்னையில் திருமிகு சாய்நாத் பங்கேற்ற ஓர் சிறப்பு கருத்தரங்கம் நடந்தேறியது. ஸ்லம் டாக் Vs மில்லியனர்கள் என்ற தலைப்பில் அற்புதமான உரை ஒன்றை நிகழ்த்தினார்.

இந்நிகழ்ச்சியில் திரு சாய்நாத் அவர்களின் 30 ஆண்டு ஊடக பணிக்கு பாராட்டு தெரிவிக்கப்பட்டது. 1980 ல் யு.என்.ஐ செய்தி நிறுவனத்தில் பணியை துவக்கிய அவர் பின்னர் பிலிட்ஸ் ( BLITZ ) இதழில் செயலாற்றினார்.

உலகமயம் ஒரு பக்கம் பளபளக்கிற இந்தியாவையும் , இன்னொரு பக்கம் பரிதவிக்கிற இந்தியாவையும் உருவாக்கியுள்ள நிலையில் அப் பொருளாதார பாதையின் பாரபட்சத்தை மக்கள் மத்தியில் தோலுரித்து காட்டுகிற சமுக பிரக்ஞை அரிதாக உள்ளது. ஆனால் ஊடக உலகின் மனசாட்சி போல விவசாயிகளின் தற்கொலைகளை வெளியில் விவாதப் பொருளாக மாற்றிய பெருமை சாய்நாத்திற்கு உண்டு.

ஊடக உலகின் படைப்புகளை எல்லாம் குளு குளு அறைகளில் இருந்தும், இணைய தளத் தேடல்களில் இருந்தும் மட்டுமே உருவாக்குகிறவர்கள் எத்தனையோ பேர். சாய்நாத் கால்களோ ஆண்டு முழுவதும் இந்தியாவின் கிராமங்களின் மேடு பள்ளங்களிலும், புழுதியிலும் பயணித்து கொண்டே இருக்கின்றன. ஒரு ஆண்டில் 270 நாட்களில் இருந்து 300 நாட்கள் வரை கிராமங்களில்தான் அவர் இருக்கிறார். அவர் செல்லில் அழைத்தால் தொடர்பு எல்லைக்கு அப்பால் இருப்பதாக வருவதாக பலரும் சொல்கிறார்கள். இந்திய ஊடக உலகின் தொடர்பு எல்லைக்கு அப்பால்உள்ளவர்களோடு அவர் இருக்கிறார் என்பதே அதன் பொருள்.

சென்னை பாலமந்திர் ஜெர்மன் ஹாலில் நடந்த இக்கருத்தரங்கில் திருமிகு சாய்நாத்துக்கு பாராட்டு தெரிவிக்கப்பட்டது. கே சுவாமிநாதன் ( பொதுச்செயலாளர், தென் மண்டல இன்சூரன்ஸ் ஊழியர் கூட்டமைப்பு) இந்நிகழ்ச்சிக்கு தலைமை தாங்கியதோடு சாய்நாத்தின் உரையை தமிழில் சுருக்கமாக எடுத்துரைத்தார். இந்திய சமுக விஞ்ஞான கழகம் ஏற்பாடு செய்திருந்த நிகழ்ச்சி அது.அவ்வமைப்பின் தலைவர்கள் திரு ஞானகுரு, திரு.ரமேஷ் ஆகியோரும் பங்கேற்றனர். 300 பேர் கலந்து கொண்ட அக்கூட்டத்தில் சாய்நாத்தின் குடும்பத்தினரும் இருந்தனர்.

சாய்நாத் உரையை நிறைவு செய்தவுடன் அரங்கம் முழுவதும் ஒரு சேர எழுந்து நின்று கரவோலியால் வாழ்த்தியது உணர்ச்சிகரமாக அமைந்தது. நிறுவன உலகின் பகட்டுக்கு விலை போகாத ஓர் மனிதனுக்கு இம்மரியாதை பொருத்தமானதே!

Thursday, September 16, 2010

செப் 17 - தந்தை பெரியார் பிறந்த நாள்

சமுக நீதி காக்க உறுதி ஏற்போம்

Wednesday, September 15, 2010

Dear friends,

This article would throw light on the present political situation
which is necessary for the cadres of the Trade
union movement of this country.


What is Right with the CPI (M)

Sep 7th 2010, Prabhat Patnaik

Much is being written these days, especially in the context of West Bengal, about what is wrong with the CPI (M). For a Party that has been in power in the state for more than three decades, this is hardly surprising. But if a Party has been in power in a state for more than three decades, then something must also be right with it. Besides, no matter what the outcome of the forthcoming Assembly elections, it would still be the case that almost half of the electorate in the two most intellectually-advanced states in India, West Bengal and Kerala, would have voted in them for CPI (M)-led formations. What explains this, and also the fact that, notwithstanding all its omissions and commissions, the CPI (M) still continues to attract some of the finest young minds of the country?

The answer is three-fold (and everything I say about the CPI (M) holds generally for the organized Left as a whole): first, it is the only modern force in Indian politics; second, it is the only consistently democratic force in Indian politics; and third, it is the only consistently anti-imperialist force in Indian politics.

Of the two main non-Left political formations in the country, one appeals to Hindutva, and the other appeals to the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty. Both thrive on the essentially feudal features of our society. The CPI (M) by contrast does not owe its being to the identity of Prakash Karat's grandfather, or of Sitaram Yechury's father-in-law. It represents in that sense the only residual link to the modernity of the anti-colonial struggle. The Congress Party, which retained the leadership of the anti-colonial struggle throughout its course, was largely a modern force during that struggle and for a while even after independence; the leaders were more or less equal, debate was free, and sycophancy, let alone dynastic politics, conspicuous by its absence; dynastic politics entered the Congress party at a later date. The Hindutva group, by contrast, never had anything to do with the anti-colonial struggle; its political formation always was, and still remains, a front for an organization that is fundamentally pre-modern in its orientation and appeal. But while modernity was absent from the one and abandoned by the other, it still characterizes the CPI (M) as a political force.

Both the non-Left formations have also at different times sought to abrogate the democratic nature of our polity. The Congress Party imposed upon this country the infamous Emergency which ended only because of a miscalculation on its part and not because of any change of heart (indeed to this day it still has not expressed any contrition on this score). And the Hindutva formation toyed for long with the idea of altering the Constitution of the country and even set up a Commission to suggest recommendations for doing so, until President K.R. Narayanan stepped in to end that effort. The CPI (M) was in the forefront of opposition on both these occasions (though the CPI transgressed on the earlier occasion, for which it later made a self-criticism). The CPI (M)'s systematic defence of the democratic rights of the people has paradoxically been somewhat belied by its own reticence to theorize about the nature of democracy in societies like ours, and by the pervasive association, derived from historical experience but lacking any theoretical justification, of communism with one-Party rule; but this defence has been as steadfast as it has been forceful. By contrast, on the issue of secularism, where the Party, free of any historical baggage, has been more forthright in theorizing its praxis, its role in defending secularism has been more widely acknowledged.

Critics often point to this or that misdemeanour on the part of the CPI (M) cadre, this or that action on the part of CPI (M) ''hoodlums'' to contest CPI (M)'s commitment to democracy. But even if each of the alleged misdemeanours happens to be true, it would be crass empiricism (or alternatively, what comes to the same thing, crass moralism) to deny the CPI (M)'s historical commitment to democracy from a set of individual incidents, of the sort that all political formations at the ground level can be accused of.

But even more significant than the two features mentioned above, is the CPI (M)'s commitment to consistent anti-imperialism, which indeed constitutes its real differentia specifica. Imperialism is more than ''the empire''; and anti-imperialism is more than mere Bush-bashing, or opposition to the Israeli shenanigans in Palestine or American shenanigans in Iraq and Afghanistan. Anti-imperialism in short is not moral opposition to this or that venture on the part of the hegemonic power of the time; it is a whole approach to politics that sees every issue of the day from the perspective of globally-spanning class relations of domination and subordination. And the CPI (M), and the Left in general, is the only force in India, that does so consistently. It sees the Indo-US nuclear deal not just as a ''nuclear deal'' but above all as an ''Indo-US deal''. It evaluates the deal not in terms of the costs and benefits of nuclear power (though the deal is questionable even on this score), but in terms of what it portends for India's relationship with US imperialism.

Many would not agree with what they would see as the CPI (M)'s ''obsession'' with imperialism, an ''obsession'' that even made it withdraw support from the UPA government, despite the obvious short-term political costs of that withdrawal. Many would not even subscribe to the concept of ''imperialism'' itself, the most radical among them remaining satisfied with the concept of the ''empire'' or the ''evil empire''. But if one sees imperialism as a global system and not just as the evil actions of this or that US President, then one cannot help admiring a Party that can stake its everything on a principled opposition to the Indo-US nuclear deal. Indeed its very lack of ''pragmatism'' that characterized its total opposition to the deal, which political pundits and commentators to this day have seen as sheer ''folly'', is what marks it out as a political Party and endears it to thousands who do subscribe to the concept of imperialism. It is this consistent and principled anti-imperialism on its part that makes writers like Noam Chomsky feel concerned when ''progressive'' sections in India launch a no-holds-barred attack on the CPI (M).

The ultra-Left is at best lackadaisical in its anti-imperialism. What it thinks on a whole range of issues concerned with imperialism today is anybody's guess (buried perhaps in arcane pamphlets). And the fact that it treats the CPI (M), which is a consistent anti-imperialist force, as its main enemy, suggests the secondary role at best that it assigns to imperialism in its calculations, highlighting once more the difference between it and the CPI (M) on the issue of imperialism.

The central question of the last hundred years has been the nature of the modernity brought by imperialism to the periphery. The national movement was fought on this issue. The progressive elements of the national movement who split off to form the Communist Party believed that authentic modernity could come only by an alternative route, socialism. While the promise of socialism has been belied for the moment, and many (including perhaps even Amartya Sen) have seen in neo-liberalism the promise of a progressive modernity, the CPI (M) has never given up its perspective on imperialism, has seen in neo-liberalism the form that imperialism takes in the current epoch, and has continued (notwithstanding a passing phase of naïve ''developmentalism'' in West Bengal for which it has been self-critical) to hold up a vision of an alternative anti-imperialist modernity. Anti-imperialism, it believes, is not a ''fundamentalist'' but a modernist position. And that in my view is what is right about the CPI (M).


n said...

dear comrade, i had the opportunity to attend the procession & inaugural session at tagore hall, kozhikode. the procession was massive and that itself showed the commitment of our comrades towards our association. i am from coimbatore and when our All India Gen.Sec. commended our division along with other 2 divisions, in his speech, we felt very proud. another feather on the cap of our divisional leadership. com.thomas issac's deep knowledge in economy raised my hair. HATS OFF TO OUR KOZHIKODE COMRADES FOR THEIR SUPERB ARRANGEMENTS INSPITE OF MANY CONSTRAINTS. WE THANK THEM FROM THE BOTTOM OF OUR HEART FOR THEIR HOSPITALITY. we saw senior comrades supplying drinking water all the way through the procession. THANK U COMRADES. PROUD TO BE AN AIIEA MEMBER - N.RAVINDRANATH

Workers’ Rights
Many significant steps have been initiated by the Left Front
government for the working class, especially in regard to social
security for the workers in the unorganised sector.

17 lakh unorganised workers have been enrolled in
the Provident FundScheme till date. The government
also provides financial assistanceof Rs. 1500 per month to
workers of closed factories and tea gardens. Pension of
Rs. 1000 per month is paid to old age persons,
widows, the disabled, artisans, handloom weavers, farmers and
fishermen. The government has recently extended the
Employment Guarantee scheme to the urban poor at a
minimum wage of Rs. 100 per day.
West Bengal has the largest number of functioning small
manufacturing units in the country (27 lakhs) as well as the
largest number of employment in them (58 lakhs). 10.4 lakh
Self-Help Groups (SHGs) are also functioning in West Bengal today,
employing over 1crore persons. The Government is providing
interest subsidy to the SHGs to ensure loans at only 4% interest.
Best Record in Land Reforms
West Bengal continues to hold the foremost position in land
reforms in the country. Total agricultural land distributed in West
Bengal amounts to over 11.28 lakh acres upto February 2010. Over
30.1 lakh farmers have benefited from the land reforms
programme, 55% of whom belong to dalit or adivasi households.
With a view to empowering women, 6.15 lakh joint pattas and 1.62
lakh female pattas have been distributed. Through recording of
sharecroppers (barga), which forms an important component of
land reforms, another 15.13 lakh farmers have benefited. West
Bengal accounts for 54% of all land reform beneficiaries in
the entire country till date.